The recent inspiring uprisings in the Middle East call on us to examine the prospects of popular protest in Iran and the conditions necessary for its emergence and development in the society.

Shahin Nasiri and Pejman Salim
EA WorldView

What is called Resistance:

A Critical Overview of the Limitations and Potentials of Iran’s Green Movement

“Do not forget that we, you and I, have been considerate to human kind!”[i]

Introduction
The struggle for secularism, democracy and the rule of law is not a novel phenomenon in the political history of Iran. The Iranian people have long fought for freedom and equality. While this struggle has at times achieved some high grounds, its mission remains to this day incomplete.[ii] The recent inspiring uprisings in the Middle East have revived the resistance movement in Iran. These uprisings call on us to examine the prospects of popular protest in Iran and the conditions necessary for its emergence and development in the society.

First Impression
The popular protests post the2009 election once again exposed to the outside world the fundamental conflicts that exist between the people of Iran and their government. In response to these protests, the ruling dictatorship intensified its measures of totalitarian control. Following the election, hundreds of civilians were persecuted, tortured, and sentenced to imprisonment and execution in show trials..[iii] At the moment, the possibilities for organization and mobilization remain limited due to the large scale nature of government repression. Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have lost their legal licenses and the Ahmadinejad’s administration is currently trying to paralyze any NGO that remains operative through a new statutory bill.4 Barriers are also being placed against the activities of independent charity organizations.

The ruling regime in Iran demonstrates all the features of a totalitarian state.[iv] Show trials, torture and countless executions shape the face of the regime. From its inception, the Islamic regime established and consolidated its power through bloody purges and fundamentalist policies. Since then violence and control have been incorporated into the legal and political structure of the regime. The enforcement of the state hegemony is accompanied by the military dominance of the Revolutionary Guards and their subsidiaries. Furthermore, the ruling class exercises extensive control over all key industries and determinative economic resources. To this list one should also add the regime’s total control over the mass media and its conversion into a state propaganda machine as well as the government’s repressive control of the private sector. These characteristics together make the Islamic regime one of the most brutal governments ever seen in the modern era. Despite all these, the regime is currently in a state of deep crisis.

Repression and Resistance

With the emergence of internal divisions at the highest levels of the regime, which were rooted in the conflicting political interests of the reformists and the military regime of Ahmadinejad, a schism has occurred in the system in terms of its overall coherence. The regime is no longer able to keep the society coherent and to maintain its legitimacy and stability even in the most superficial way. The system’s loss of legitimacy and stability seems irreversible. Nonetheless, government has a wary eye on any signs of a popular protest movement and subjects the citizenry to systematic violence, coordinated by members of the Basij and the Revolutionary Guards.

In this situation, the opposition faces a fatal choice: it must either surrender or develop innovative strategies of resistance for moving forward. The determining question here is whether confronting the existing suppression can unbalance the power relations to the advantage of the opposition?

In this context it is worth mentioning that the reformists, who hitherto have had a leading position in the Green Movement, have not played a positive role in the advancement and realization of protest strategies. The fact that the reformists have held positions of power and influence within the establishment of the Islamic Republic has led them to adopt contradictory and at times illogical positions against the popular demand for the overhaul of the religious dictatorship..[v] The reformist leaders of the Green Movement, Mousavi and Karoubi, have consistently stated that they intend to conduct their political activities within the boundaries of the Constitution.[vi] There have been also numerous reformist politicians who have been trying hard to arrive at a negotiated agreement with their powerful opponents.[vii] In conclusion, it is clear that the will of the people is not congruent with the interests of those conservative reformists whose   political and economic interests lie in the continuing existence of the establishment. This has caused many citizens, especially those of working classes to conclude that the current conflict is one between two groups, of which one (the reformists) wishes to divide the country’s wealth among the existing political elite whereas the other is determined to monopolize it.[viii]

Independent of these internal power struggles however, we are witnessing that the civil society is increasingly striving for fundamental principles such as respect for human rights, secularism and gender equality.    The movement has in fact gradually radicalized following the mass protests against fraudulent election results.  The slogans now target the system as a whole and the Supreme Leader Khamenei directly. With this characteristic in mind one can begin to re-examine the dynamism of the Green Movement.

Cuts in Subsidies

It goes without saying that a large sector of the population is radically against the establishment and its repressive ideology and discriminatory laws including the Constitution. However, in order to arrive at a careful assessment of the movement’s chances of success, one has to consider a number of important political and economic parameters.

The government of Ahmadinejad is currently in the process of implementing a large-scale policy of abolishing governmental subsidies for basic life necessities such as food and energy. In the past months this destructive project has gone hand in hand with intimidation, threats and systematic executions.[ix] The aggressive implementation of this plan is aimed at thoroughly reconfiguring the economical relationships to the advantage of the ruling political class. “Its canon is its own bloody efficiency”.[x] The consequence of this forceful reconfiguration is the gradual transfer of economical power to autocrats and military institutions like the Revolutionary Guards.

It is notable that the dysfunctional and incompetent leadership of the clergy in the past thirty years has resulted in the political and economic organs of the country being no longer functional and effective.. As a result of this mismanagement, which has also resulted in the elimination of subsidies, the middle class will soon evaporate. However, it will be particularly the impoverished class that will suffer catastrophically under these policies. As a consequence, it is highly likely that economically-driven mass protests will occur. These protests will be, however, dispersed and sporadic in nature due to the structural and organizational weaknesses of civil society organizations. As such, one cannot predict whether these transformations can ultimately lead to fundamental and democratic changes. Accordingly, the future prospect of the movement remains speculative. In shaping this prospect the following factors will be determinative:

First of all, only a tiny sector of the labour force is capable of organizing itself into a mobilizing force for targeted protests such as strikes. This inability is the result of systematic government repression that has always considered the labor movement to be a great threat due to its transformative and progressive qualities. Accordingly, the strikes that have happened up until have always been defensive in nature. [xi]

Secondly, it is remarkable that within the prevalent discourse of the Green Movement, which is being propagated by privileged reformists, the determining role that impoverished classes can play in the resistance movement is being deliberately ignored.[xii] This group of reformists has always strived for the realization of an Iranianized model of neoliberal economy. As such, to step out of this impasse and to pursue the resistance with realistic and feasible strategies, it is of great importance that an alternative discourse based on popular demands and grievances develop.

New Paradigm
The Green Movement can only develop into a historical, authentic and successful movement when it becomes representative of the collective will of society. Despite the fact that there various social groups with diverse interests and needs in the society, there exist some common interests that can bind various groups together in their fight against oppression.

On the one hand one has to bear in mind that it is impossible to achieve meaningful political freedoms as long as the structures that produce and reproduce economic inequality persist.[xiii] On the other hand, one must not lose sight of the fact that achieving fundamental political changes can only be realized by those who play an essential role in the relationships of production. On this basis, the concept of democracy should not be reduced to mere distribution of political power. On the contrary, it should be broadened to also include a fair distribution of economic power.[xiv]

It is undeniable that until now, the Green Movement has not taken advantage of many opportunities, among which are the organization of effective strikes and the deployment of protest potentials in the workplace.

Convergence of Political Forces
Based on the assumption that fundamental and democratic changes occur in the very process of change, one can conclude that the process can itself lead to the actualization of potential forces. The pursuit of political freedom and maintenance of civil rights must therefore initially develop gradually itself. This partially means that the creativity and efforts of the participants in this transitional phase is decisive.

The absence of representative political parties and organization means that the social movements stand alone in the struggle against the dictatorship in Iran. However many different subjective and objective tendencies of economical, political and moral character could form the material basis for the self-organization of grassroots. Moreover, these forces could be organized solidary.

If economic inequality is raised as a galvanizing issue, the potential of the working class for turning into a progressive force of change will be released. This power will then manifest itself in mass protests in large industries such as petroleum, metal, communication and electricity. All in all, by actively emphasizing the gap between the rulers and the people, one can mobilize an increasing number of silent citizens to participate in the democratic movement and popular protests.

Accordingly, middle class activists, especially the intellectuals, students and social activists need to get in touch with each other and their international counterparts in an organic, interactive and communicative manner. In this context it is important to notice that the democratic movement in Iran is itself strongly influenced by Iran’s vibrant women’s rights movement. Women, who have been oppressed because of their sex and political opinion in the religious dictatorship, have had a decisive role in the Green Movement.[xv] In addition to the women’s rights movement, the student movement[xvi], as a heterogeneous collective, can also act as a political catalyst propelling people toward organized political action.[xvii] Remarkably, the student movement in Iran is the only social movement with historical continuity. This characteristic makes the transfer of experience possible and enables the movement to have a consistent presence in the civil society.

Students and other social activists can help the protests remain organized and on the right track through their educational, consciousness raising activities.[xviii] The expansion ofa critical discourse is in this context determinative. It will enable opposition forces to come together and paves the path for the realization of qualitative changes

International Perspective

In a situation that the Iranian State finds itself in a deep legitimacy crisis, both nationally[xix] and internationally, the moral support of the international community has become more important than ever. Instead of trying to remain on good terms with the dictators, Western politicians should take the side of democratic movements clearly and decisively

In this context it is important to emphasize that the foreign policy of each state is an extension of its domestic one.[xx] From the aggressive foreign policy of Nazi Germany to the USA’s isolationism in the beginning of the previous millennium, history has shown us repeatedly that the external ambitions of a state are a direct reflection of its internal politics. [xxi] Therefore, one should analyze the nuclear ambitions of Iran in the context of its domestic politics.[xxii]

Iran threatening gestures from the nuclear crisis and its provocative rhetoric to its destabilizing activities in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and the Palestinian territories[xxiii] are rooted in the ideological and megalomaniac motives of a regime that also brutally oppresses its own nationals. [xxiv] Iranian officials consider the costly nuclear program as the last and most essential means to restore their nationally and internationally staggering position. Due to this fundamentalist mentality, Iran has rarely showed respect and adherence for the principles of international law. The only sustainable solution for the security issues in Iran is thus a democratic alternative, which must emerge from within Iran.

External Factors
The human rights situation in Iran is followed closely by both the United Nations and independent NGOs. Recently, the General Assembly of the UN has expressed its deep concerns about the human rights situation, and political arrests, death penalties, tortures and stoning of women in particular. [xxv] Earlier in 2010, the UN Human Rights Council (Universal Periodic Review, UPR) gave a series of critical recommendations on the human rights situation in Iran. [xxvi] However, Iranian officials have once again shown to be indifferent toward these criticisms and recommendations.

The international community must have human rights issues in mind in all its dealings with Iran. In this context, one must observe that the brutal crackdown following the controversial presidential election of 2009 is one example of abuse that can be considered as a crime against humanity under the principles of international law. [xxvii] In this relation, the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) has released a comprehensive report in which it concludes that the repressive acts of the Iranian State constitute crimes against humanity. [xxviii]

The systematic violations of human rights by the Iranian regime are not unique to the present era; the regime has committed violations of human rights since its very inception and will continue to do so into the future. The recent human rights violations stand beside the gross human rights violations committed in the 1980s which have been recognized as falling in the category of international crimes. In particular, one has to mention the 1988 massacre of political prisoners which arguably constitutes both genocide and crimes against humanity.[xxix] As such, the government of Iran must be subjected to continuous international criticism for its illegal acts. In doing so, the international community can resort to the various juridical and political means available to it such as targeted human rights sanctions and referral by the Security Council to the International Criminal Court.

Appropriate Measures

According to the latest news, the United States of America has imposed sanctions on eight persons who are known to have been involved in committing gross human rights violations. [xxx] Unlike the sanctions imposed previously, these sanctions have not targeted Iran’s controversial nuclear program but its troubling human rights record.  Based on the same facts, the European Union has imposed further sanctions on 32 Iranian officers. [xxxi] Above all, the Human Rights Council of the UN has appointed a Special Reporter for a thorough investigation of the human rights situation in Iran.[xxxii] As usual, Iran has stated that it will not cooperate with the Special Reporter.[xxxiii] However, Iran’s refusal to cooperate in the investigation and fulfill its international obligations could result in its case being referred to the UN General Assembly.

This new round of measures is of course of great significance to Iran’s democratic movement.  Given the fact that Iran has consistently ignored the international calls to honor the human rights of its citizens, it is urgent that the international community intervene in a more persistent and decisive manner.

In addition to governments, Western NGOs and social movements can also offer critical support to Iran’s democratic movement. In the new millennium, NGOs play a prominent role in the defense of human rights.[xxxiv] The perspective of NGOs as public interest groups   is being increasingly taken into account in decision-making processes.[xxxv] In short, they are the conscience of the western world. History also testifies to the positive effect of civil society organizations in delegitimizing repressive regimes such as the South African Apartheid Regime. As such, it is of great importance that Western social movements engage themselves with the democratic movement of Iran. They can help the development of grass roots discourses by identifying and supporting democratic and progressive forces and contribute to the process of democratization in Iran.[xxxvi]

Inspirational Lessons from North Africa

At last, it is important to note that every Iranian person is entitled to the inherent right of self-defense under international law. This right is clearly provided in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international instruments.[xxxvii]

The uprising in Tunisia and Egypt teach us that one need not ask for permission from oppressors when fighting for fundamental transformations. It is rather the spontaneous and mass presence of civilians on the streets that can change the balance of power to the advantage of the population. These experiences also teach us that one should not direct oneself to the oppressors to guarantee fundamental rights. Instead, people should clearly recognize their strengths and potential, and pursue their struggle with self-confidence. [xxxviii] Because where danger is, grows the saving power also![xxxix]

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We call for the immediate release of Hedayat who objected human right violations of the Iranian regime

Published: 5 April 2011 in ESU

The European Students’ Union (ESU) expresses its solidarity with the imprisoned Iranian students’ union leader Bahareh Hedayat, who celebrates her 30th birthday today, 5 April, in jail and calls upon the European Commission and UNESCO to increase pressure on Iran to release Hedayat. Hedayat has spent her days in prison since December 2009 after protesting against the regime in Iran and trying to expand the activities of the violently oppressed Iranian student movement.

Bert Vandenkendelaere, ESU’s Chairperson said: “We call for the immediate release of Hedayat who objected human right violations of the Iranian regime. She stood up for students’ rights and female rights without fearing the hard consequence of a 9 1/2 years jail sentence in complete isolation from her friends and family and in very bad living and healthcare conditions.”

He continued: “Student representatives in Europe have very good working conditions, compared to their Iranian colleagues. We therefore call upon all of our dialogue partners, and especially UNESCO and the European Commission, to demand the release and protection of student representatives in Iran.”

9 1/2 years in jail

Around midnight on 31 December 2009, after fraudulent elections in Iran, Hedayat was arrested by Iranian authorities for the fifth time in four years. She received a sentence of 9 1/2 years for participating in legal, peaceful and civil society activities undertaken by the Daftar-e Takhim-Vahdat, Iran’s pro-democracy student movement, and for challenging the existing discriminatory laws against women.

In addition, Hedayat was arrested on charges related to trying to expand the relations of the Iranian students’ movement with the international student movement, which included communication with ESU amongst others with a message to ESU for the 70th anniversary of the International Student Day, on 17th of November 2009.

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1. Calling to Commemorate Iranian Students Day »
2. Iranian student movement, Progress and Perspective »

“Prospect of Change in Iran”. Share your ideas and prospects concerning the possibilities of change in Iran. The top three essays will be published in accredited journal(s) and will also receive a cash prize

You can read the essays & related info here:

www.essay.iranpy.net

Prospect of Change in Iran

http://iranpy.net/change/

Share your ideas and prospects concerning the possibilities of change in Iran. The top three essays will be published in accredited journal(s) and will also receive a cash prize

Since the Presidential Election in Iran in June 2009, there has been an ongoing debate among and between different national and international political and social groups about the possibilities of change in Iran. Nevertheless, the issue has not been dealt with from an academic perspective sufficiently and adequately.

The Iranian Progressive Youth (IPY) is an independent association which aims at establishing a platform for political, cultural and social activities with special focus on the Iranian struggle for freedom and democracy. As part of its ongoing efforts, IPY has organized an International Essay Contest among students and researchers from different disciplines and has called for answers to the following question:

What are the ways to bring about a democratic change in Iran?

The IPY “International Essay Contest” encourages the interested parties to investigate and explore their ideas – from the idealistic to the realistic – in response to this question from either one, or a combination of, the following perspectives:

1. The role and prospect of the Civil Society;
2. The influence of the Political Structure;
3. The position and responsibility of International Community.

The top three essays will be published in internationally accredited journal(s) and

• the first-prize essay will receive  €500 and the IPY Essay Award + Zamaneh Essay Award;
• the second-prize essay will receive  €250;
• the third-prize essay will receive  €150.

Moreover, all the submitted essays will be published on the essay contest’s website.

Participation in this essay contest is open to any (former) student and researcher of any institution of higher education in any field and discipline.

The theme of the essays should be directly linked to Iran and the 2009 Presidential election and its aftermath and will be judged on two criteria:

1. Scientific quality, especially in deepening the understanding of the subject and its social relevance.
2. Innovative elements, creativity and originality in subject matter and its effects, and/or delving into a subject that has been presented but not explored in sufficient depth.

Submitted essays must:

1. be in English or Dutch;
2. be between 1500 – 2500 words. Essays longer than 3000 will not accepted;
3. be in Word Document format (.doc and not .docx) (font ‘Times New Roman’, size 12, double spacing);
4. be delivered digitally to essay@iranpy.net / CD-ROM, Floppy Disks, videos and tapes are not accepted.
5. be received by 10th April 2011 9:00 PM GMT

The participants are requested to download and fill out the ‘Participation Form’ from the essay contest website. (link)

IPY will appoint a jury which will consist of 3 university teachers/professors from Dutch Universities in different fields and 3 Parliamentarians from the Dutch Parliament and the European Parliament. The IPY Board holds one vote in this jury.
The members of the jury will be announced in due time.

Participants in the contest will receive a confirmation of their submission. The authors of the selected essays will be informed by 25th April 2011; the essays which have not been selected will receive a notification around the same time.

Only papers that meet all the conditions mentioned in this document will be assessed.
The decision of the jury is not subject to appeal.

For more information about the contest refer to Essay Contest Weblog , or contact us at essay@iranpy.net

Confirm your attendance at the Facebook event here

Sponsors: Hivos, Radio Zamaneh , Foundation for Iranian Studies

Iranian Progressive Youth

www.iranpy.net

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Deze brief is naar aanleiding van de door de Iraanse Staat uitgevoerde executies samengesteld en tijdens een manifestatie aan het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken overhandigd

Aan de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken

Postbus 20061
2500 EB Den Haag

28 december 2010,  ’s-Gravenhage

Excellentie,

Tot onze verbijstering en enorme verdriet heeft de Iraanse staat hedenochtend twee politieke gevangenen namelijk de heer Ali Saremi en de heer Ali Akbar Siadat geëxecuteerd. De Iraanse Staat heeft deze executies niet tevoren aangekondigd. Inmiddels zijn enkele nabestaanden van de slachtoffers gearresteerd.

De heer Saremi (62 ten tijde van executie) was een van overlevenden van de massamoord van de politieke gevangenen in 1988. Hij werd voor het laatst tijdens de herdenking van de slachtoffers van de voornoemde massamoord gearresteerd en uiteindelijk op grond van de Islamitische wetgeving ter dood veroordeeld.

Het staat buiten kijf, dat beide slachtoffers geen eerlijk proces is gegund. De slachtoffers zijn in de processen achter gesloten deuren veroordeeld zonder zich conform internationale standaarden te mogen verdedigen. Het inherente recht van een ieder om van zijn of haar familie voor de tenuitvoerlegging van een doodvonnis afscheid te nemen, is evenmin gerespecteerd.  Hierdoor heeft Iran nogmaals haar verplichtingen op basis van de internationale verdragen, waar zij partij van is, nagelaten.

Deze onverwachte executie vormen eveneens de aanleiding om zorgen te maken over de situatie van 25 ter dood veroordeelde  politieke gevangen in Iran, die de tenuitvoerlegging van hun doodvonnissen afwachten. Deze gewetensgevangenen lopen ieder moment het risico om onverwacht naar de executiekamer te worden gebracht.

Tevens willen wij van deze gelegenheid gebruik maken om uw aandacht te vestigen op de zorgwekkende situatie van de studenten in de Iraanse gevangenissen. Sinds afgelopen week is de prominente studentenactiviste Bahareh Hedayat, genomineerd voor de prestigieuze Student Peace Prize, in hongerstaking gegaan uit protest tegen de onmenselijke omstandigheden van de beruchte Evin-gevangenis. Al maanden wordt haar bezoekrecht ontzegd.
Recente berichten melden tevens dat ze een operatie aan haar galblaas behoeft. Deze wordt echter door de autoriteiten genegeerd.  Door deze nalatigheid is haar gezondheid ernstig in gevaar gebracht.

Om gelijksoortige redenen heeft een ander gevangen studentenactivist, Mahdieh Golrou, zich aangesloten bij deze hongerstaking.  Bahareh en vele andere Iraanse studenten werden tijdens de massale protesten van 2009 gearresteerd. Sindsdien hebben vele van deze studenten onder arbitraire arrestaties, martelingen en executies moeten lijden.

Een rechtenstudent, Habibollah Latifi, zou afgelopen zondag in Sanandaj gevangenis, Zuid-westelijke provincie Illam, worden geëxecuteerd. Deze executie is vanwege de wereldwijde protesten tijdelijk uitgesteld. Echter kan hij ieder moment, zoals andere lotgenoten, met de dood worden geconfronteerd.

Als burgers, van een vrij en democratisch land, geloven wij dat we de verantwoordelijk hebben om de stem van de Iraanse burgers Internationaal kenbaar te maken. Daarom verzoekt Iranian Progressive Youth, een netwerk van jongeren van Iraanse komaf, die krachtens haar statuut de belangen van Iraniërs in Nederland behartigt, u Excellentie gezien de urgentie en intensiteit van deze crisis om op een passende wijze op deze systematische mensenrechtenschendingen en onrechtvaardigheden te reageren.

Hoogachtend,

Vereniging Iranian Progressive Youth

P.s, Deze brief is naar aanleiding van de door de Iraanse Staat uitgevoerde executies samengesteld en tijdens een manifestatie aan het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken overhandigd.

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De studentenbeweging in Iran symboliseert het jarenlange verzet van de Iraanse burgers tegen de dictatuur.

Shahin Nasiri

De studenten over de hele wereld behoren in het algemeen tot een dynamische groep met een veranderlijke sociale positie. Het is eigenaardig aan deze sociale groep dat haar politieke en civiele activiteiten spontaan georganiseerd worden. Deze spontaniteit hangt sterk samen met de overgevoeligheid van deze groep voor overheersing.

De positie van studentenbeweging
Deze algemene bepaling geldt ook voor de Iraanse studentenbeweging. De studentenbeweging in Iran symboliseert het jarenlange verzet van de Iraanse burgers tegen de dictatuur. In de afgelopen jaren hebben de studenten, vooral na de iconische studentenprotesten van 1999 hun streven naar secularisme, democratie en het handhaven van de rechtsstaat naar de buitenwereld weerkaatst. In de afgelopen decennia heeft deze beweging vele hoogte- en dieptepunten gekend. Merkwaardig aan de studentenbeweging in Iran is echter dat ze de enige sociale beweging is met een historische continuïteit. Deze eigenschap maakt de overdraagbaarheid van ervaringen en de consistente aanwezigheid van deze beweging in de civiele atmosfeer mogelijk. Alle andere bewegingen zoals de arbeidersbeweging hebben daarentegen in de Iraanse geschiedenis een emergente maar tijdelijke rol gespeeld.
De directe en materiële betrokkenheid van de studentenbeweging in politieke processen Iran is te allen tijde hand in hand gegaan met de aanwezigheid van een geïnstitutionaliseerde onderdrukkende macht. Echter hebben de actoren in deze beweging steeds gebruik gemaakt van elke mogelijke ruimte en gelegenheid om zich met de sociale en politieke kwesties te engageren.

Tegenwoordig studeren meer dan 3 miljoen jongeren aan de Iraanse universiteiten. Aan de ene kant, door Ideologische en repressieve controle op onderwijs, drastisch groeiende werkeloosheid, uitzichtloze toekomst voor jongeren en bovenal politiek en geestelijke onderdrukking groeit de tensie tussen de overheersers en deze geconcerteerde groep van jonge en opgeleiden mensen exponentieel. Aan de andere kant door de afwezigheid van echte representatieve politieke partijen en organisaties, moeten de sociale bewegingen, en als belangrijkste de studentenbeweging, de strijd tegen de dictatuur in Iran voor hun eigen rekening nemen.

Confrontatie
In dit verband hebben de massale protesten van 2009, steeds weer de diepgewortelde tegenstelling tussen de bevolking en het regime wereldwijd aan het licht gebracht. De dictators hebben als reactie hierop meer totalitaire controle toegepast. Na de omstreden verkiezingen werden vele studenten achtervolgd, gemarteld en na plotse schijnrechtszaken gevangen gezet of geëxecuteerd. De situatie is nu zo dat elke vorm van samenwerking of zelf-organisatie wordt ontwricht. Vele NGO’s hebben al daardoor hun recht op bestaan verloren. De regering van Ahmadinejad is op dit moment bezig om in feite de bestaande NGO’s door een wetsvoorstel te verlammen. Zelfs mensen die bij onafhankelijke liefdadigheidsorganisaties actief zijn, worden in hun activiteiten lastiggevallen.

In feite vertoont het huidige regime in Iran alle kenmerken van een totalitaire staat. De alom bekende schijnprocessen, martelingen en talloze uitgevoerde executies behoren echter tot het oppervlak van dit stelsel. Het islamitische regime is bij aanvang door een ideologisch apparaat en fundamentalistische beginselen op een bloedige wijze aan de macht gekomen. Sindsdien is het geweld en controle in de structuur en wetten van het Iraanse Regime ingebouwd. Daadwerkelijk gaat het handhaven van de staatshegemonie gepaard met de militante dominantie van revolutionaire garde en de mantelorganisaties in het land zelf maar ook in de regio. Verder wordt er door de heersende klasse een grote controle gelegd op grote industrieën en alle bepalende economische middelen die bepalend zijn voor het levenstoestand van de bevolking. In deze reeks hoort er nog de strenge controle over de massa media, het omzetten van de media tot propagandamachine en repressieve controle op het privé domein. Deze realiteit maakt dit Islamitisch bewind tot één van de meest brute regeringsvormen in het moderne tijdperk. Desalniettemin verkeert dit regime momenteel in een uiterst kritische situatie.

Toekomstbepaling
Door het opduiken van conflicterende politieke belangen aan de top, tussen de reformisten enerzijds en het militaristische bewind van Ahmadinejad anderzijds, is een scheuring ontstaan in de eenheid van het oorspronkelijk systeem en de autoritaire krachten. Het regime is niet meer in staat om, zelfs kunstmatig, de evenwichtigheid en de morele hechtheid in de samenleving te handhaven. De illegitimiteit en de instabiliteit van het systeem blijkt onomkeerbaar. Bovendien is het disfunctioneren en onbestuurbaarheid van politiek-economische organen het resultaat geweest van 30 jaar lang incapabel en ondeskundig bestuur door geestelijken. Door dit wanbestuur zal de economische middenklasse binnenkort in het land verdampen. Gevolglijk zullen er hoogstwaarschijnlijk economisch gestuurde massaprotesten zich voordoen. Deze protesten zullen echter door gebrek aan georganiseerde politieke actie onbeheersbaar en spontaan plaatsvinden. Dit betekent dat het dan onvoorspelbaar wordt of deze situatie tot fundamentele en democratische verandering leidt. De toekomst zal zich hierdoor dan in superlatieven aan
definitie en bepaling ontrekken.

Om een zorgwekkende confrontatie met deze onberekenbare stand van zaken te kunnen voorkomen, is het van cruciaal belang dat de huidige onderdrukte maar zelfbewuste civil society (en dus ook de bijbehorende sociale bewegingen), die gelijksoortige belangen en behoeften beogen, te versterken. Als we aannemen dat fundamentele en democratische veranderingen in het proces van verandering zelf verschijnen, is het resultaat van dit proces de overgang van de potentiële krachten in het actuele. Dit houdt mede in dat de creativiteit en inzet van de participerende actoren in deze overgangsfase doorslaggevend is. De sociale middenklasse in Iran, met name de intelligentsia, studenten en activisten op verschillende terreinen, dienen daarom op een organische, interactieve en communicatieve wijze met elkaar en met hun gelijken op internationaal niveau in contact te treden. De studentenbeweging, als pluriform geheel, kan ook in dit verband als tussenschakel en katalysator fungeren om deze georganiseerde politieke actie in gang te zetten en te bevorderen. Het uitbereiden van het kritische discours is in deze context maatgevend. Onze taak in het westen is om op verschillende niveaus deze discursieve ontwikkeling te stimuleren. Wij kunnen zeker door het opsporen en steunen van democratische en progressieve krachten een werkelijke en geestelijke bijdrage leveren aan het democratiseringsproces in Iran.

————————————–

* Dit artikel is ter gelegenheid van de Iraanse studentendag samengesteld, 05-12-2010

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In response to a solidarity massage to Iranian students from occupant students in Britain, Iranian students in Iran and abroad have drawn up a message of solidarity to the British students.

In response to a solidarity massage to Iranian students from occupant students in the universities of UCL, Manchester, Sheffield, SOAS, Brighton, Goldsmiths and Bath:
( http://blog.ucloccupation.com/2010/12/08/835/) Iranian students inside the country as well as those studying abroad have drawn up a message of solidarity to the British students who are protesting against cuts and privatisation of Education system as well as universities.

Addressed to protesting students in England

Dear friends

We have received your statement of solidarity* and it is indeed beyond all words that how encouraging and heartening we have found it. Your message found us almost on the Students day in Iran, a day in which once again, despite the unprecedented presence of repressive forces, we uttered the voice of our protest in all universities throughout Iran and, yet again, we showed that not only a year of threats, suspensions, arrests and tortures has not brought us to a standstill, but it has only made us more determined to pursue our struggle for freedom, justice and human rights more tirelessly than ever. Our determination for persisting in our cause only increases when we witness that our fellow students in other countries have also chosen to oppose the unjust and discriminatory education policies instead of conforming to the existing order. As we have been following your protests during the past months, we have perceived the common humanistic essence of our struggles and that of yours. This commonness indicates that there exist the chains which tie together human emancipatory endeavors beyond political borders, ties which have become evident, during the student movements. Not only this has offered hope for a better future in our country, but it bears a promise that living in a better world is possible.

Surely there will be those who tell us: “But is a better world possible?” In their view, privatization of the educational system and dominance of the rules of market over universities are immutable parts of the inevitable fate of human societies. Yet we know, better than ever, that the existing conditions are not part of the natural process of humanity, but the artifact of the neoliberal policies and the consequence of their hegemonic dominance within the past decades.

Policies that have forfeited human rights for the profits of free capital flow, and have deprived human societies of their inalienable rights; such as rights to public health care, to free education and to stable employment, which have been gained through centuries of enlightenment and relentless endeavors of successive generations. The devastating consequences of such assaults threaten invaluable human accomplishments; be it in the developed world or in the developing countries. All the same, the extension of neoliberal privatization policies to Iran proceeds to pass similar imposed laws towards privatizing the education and universities.

For this reason, we, the Iranian students, hand in hand with you and our fellow students all around the globe, have a message for those who deprive us of equality in possession of a fairer existence, and replace it with equitability in dispossession. We tell them that living in such a world is not our destiny. For we believe that free and equal existence, for humanity regardless of where they dwell, is possible. We are determined to step toward creating just such a world. Undoubtedly, to get through this path, we have to reinforce our ties beyond drawing up statements of solidarity and arrange an organic relationship in order to exchange our experiences and our capabilities.

Our dear friends, in the great endeavor that you have begun, we, all those who believe in a better world, shall be on your side. We believe that your resoluteness will carry you through your path and brings about your success. We shall prevail.

A group of students and graduates from University of : Tehran, Polytechnic, Sharif, Elm va Sanaat, Khajeh Nasir, Allameh, Razi of Kermanshah, Azad of Sannadaj, Ilam, Gilan, Rasht,Mazandaran, Nooshirvani of Babol, Bouali Sina of Hamedan. A group of Iranian students and graduate from University of : Polytechnic of Milano, Pisa, Bremen, Aachen, Freie Universität of Berlin , Applied sciences of Munich, Bochum, Essen-Duisburg, Leibniz University of Hannover, Vienna, Düsseldorf, Toronto, York, Mc Gill, Amsterdam, Free University of Amsterdam, Leiden, Utrecht, Delft, HAN University of  Applied sciences,  The Hague, Sheffield, Leeds, Nottingham

* Solidarity with Iranian Students: http://blog.ucloccupation.com/2010/12/08/835/

** Due to security reasons individual signatures have not been mentioned.

خطاب به دانشجویان مبارز در انگلیس

دوستان عزیز؛
ما پیام اتحاد و همبستگی شما را دریافت کردیم* و از توصیفمان خارج است که این پیام را چه میزان دلگرم کننده و نیرو بخش یافتیم. پیامی که همزمان با بزرگداشت روز دانشجو در ایران به دستمان رسید؛ روزی که با وجود صف آرایی بی سابقه نیروهای سرکوبگر، بار دیگر فریاد اعتراضمان را در تمام دانشگاههای ایران بلند کردیم و نشان دادیم که یک سال تهدید، تعلیق از تحصیل، حبس و شکنجه ما را از پای ننشانده و تنها عزممان را برای مبارزه در راه آزادی و عدالت و حقوق انسانی راسخ تر کرده است. در میانه راهِ ایستادگی و پیشروی، شورمند می شویم وقتی شاهد آن هستیم که دوستان دانشجوی ما در کشورهای دیگر نیز، به جای تبعیت از سلطه ی نظم مستقر، راهِ اعتراض به قوانین تبعیض آمیز و ناعادلانه آموزشی را برگزیده اند. پی گیری مبارزات شما در ماههای اخیر و جوهر انسانی مشترکی که میان مبارزات شما و خود می یابیم، به ما نشان می دهد که رشته هایی ناگسستنی، تلاش های رهایی- بخشِ انسان ها را در فراسوی مرزهای جغرافیایی به هم پیوند می دهد، رشته هایی که اینک بار دیگر در عرصه مبارزات جنبش های داشجویی نمایان شده است؛ و این نه تنها ما را به فردایی بهتر در کشورمان امیدوار می سازد، بلکه نوید بخش آن است که زیستن در جهانی بهتر ممکن است.
اما مسلما کسانی هستند که به ما و شما خواهند گفت: “مگر برای جهان وضعی بهتر از این قابل تصور است؟!” از نگاه آنان خصوصی شدن نظام آموزش و یا تسلط سیاست بازار بر دانشگاهها نیز بخشی از تقدیر گزیر ناپذیرِ جوامع بشری است. اما ما بهتر از هر زمان دیگر می دانیم که وضعیت موجود به هیچ رو تقدیر بشر نیست، بلکه برساخته ی سیاست های نئولیبرالی و محصول فراگیر شدن سلطه آنها در دهه های اخیر است؛ سیاست هایی که هر روزه حقوق انسان ها را قربانی منافع گردش آزادِ سرمایه کرده و جوامع انسانی را از حقوق مسلمی که حاصل قرن ها روشنگری و تلاش و مبارزه مستمر نسل های متوالیِ انسانهاست، محروم می کنند؛ حقوقی مانند بهداشت عمومی، آموزش رایگان و حق برخورداری از اشتغال پایدار. آثار زیانبار چنین تهاجمی، دستاوردهای ارزشمندِ بشری را در همه جای جهان تهدید می کنند، خواه در کشورهای متروپل و توسعه یافته و خواه در کشورهای پیرامونی و توسعه نیافته، کما اینکه در ادامه فرآیندِ خصوصی سازی نئولیبرال در ایران، قوانین تحمیلیِ مشابهی در جهت خصوصی سازی آموزش و دانشگاهها، در کشور ما نیز در حال پیشروی هستند.
از این رو ما دانشجویان ایرانی، همصدا با شما و همه دوستان دانشجویمان در سایر نقاط جهان، به کسانی که برابری در برخورداری را از ما سلب می کنند و در عوض، همسانی در محرومیت را جایگزین آن می نمایند می گوییم که جهانی این چنین تقدیر ما نیست، زیرا باور داریم که زیستِ آزاد و برابرِ همه افراد بشر، در هر جای دنیا که باشند، ممکن است و ما اراده کرده ایم برای ساختن چنین دنیایی قدم برداریم. بی تردید در این مسیر بایستی پیوندهایمان را از سطح اعلام حمایت و همبستگی فراتر برده و به برقراری روابطی ارگانیک برای هم اندیشی و تبادل تجربیات و امکاناتمان اقدام کنیم.
آری دوستان، در مصاف ارزشمندی که آغاز کرده اید ما و همه آنانی که به جهانی بهتر باور دارند را همراه و همصدای خود بدانید، تا لحظه پیروزی.

جمعی از دانشجویان و دانش آموختگان دانشگاه های : تهران، پلی تکنیک، شریف، علم و صنعت، خواجه نصیر، علامه، رازی کرمانشاه، آزاد سنندج، ایلام، گیلان، آزاد رشت مازندران، نوشیروانی بابل، بوعلی همدان

جمعی از دانشجویان و محققینِ ایرانی دانشگاه های: پلی‌ تکنیک میلان، پیزا، برمن، آخن، آزاد برلین، علمی کاربردی مونیخ، بوخوم، اسن – دویسبورگ،هانوفر، دوسلدورف، تورنتو، یورک، مک گیل کانادا، وین، آمستردام، آزاد آمستردام، لیدن، اوترخت، دلفت، لاهه، علمی کاربردی آرنهم – نیمیخن، شفیلد، ناتینگهام

* پیام همبستگی دانشجویان انگلیس
 http://blog.ucloccupation.com/2010/12/08/835/

** توضیح: به دلیل ملاحظات امنیتی، از انتشار اسامی امضا کنندگان خودداری شده است
 

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1. Calling to Commemorate Iranian Students Day »

A group of Iranian student associations abroad calling for ceremonies to be organized across the globe on December 7th, 2010 in support of Iranian Student Day (16 Azar)

With Iranian National Students Day –  December 7th (16 Azar) – fast approaching, a group of student activists abroad are calling upon all Iranian students abroad to simultaneously organize gatherings in order to commemorate this important day across the globe. The student associations are requesting that Iranian students abroad echo the voices of the oppressed students in Iran who have been silenced in their quest for justice using the international arena to organize wide spread activities to commemorate Iranians National Students Day, defending and highlighting the demands of the student movement in Iran.

The content of the statement by a group of Iranian student associations abroad calling for ceremonies to be organized across the globe on December 7th, 2010 in support of Student Day (16 Azar) is as follows:

We welcome Students Day this year knowing fully well that the universities in Iran remain entrenched in their resistance towards tyranny and authoritarianism. Iran’s student movement remains the principle axis of the conflict between the defenders of liberty and the despotic henchmen in power. Although the universities have endured numerous wounds inflicted upon them by the ruling government, nevertheless, the flame that was lit so long ago in the quest for truth and fostering wisdom and critical thinking continues to burn.

December 7th (16 Azar) symbolizes the plight of students such as Ghandchi, Shariat Razavi and Bozorgnia, who were killed by the Shah’s forces in 1953. It is a day in which various generations of the student movement come together to defend the autonomy of the universities and foster democracy, freedom, human rights and justice.The student movement, proud of its seven decades of continuous and tireless efforts to promote our nation’s traditions and enlightening our lives, now finds itself facing so many restrictions. Today, students are even denied the basic right to organize and celebrate a day named after those who will be instrumental in building the future of our nation.

In recent years we have witnessed a daily increase in pressure by the government against peaceful, civil activities within the universities. Students are either arrested on baseless accusations or deprived of an education and suspended from school. The authorities fabricate scenarios as a means to distort the legitimate activities of students and falsely charge them with activities such as involvement in a soft revolution, relationships with so called seditious groups, or connections to foreign forces, depriving them of academic freedom and their fundamental civil rights.

As members of Iranian student associations abroad, it is our duty to echo the voices of the oppressed students in Iran who have been silenced in their quest for justice using the international arena to organize wide spread activities on December 7th, 2010 to commemorate Student Day, defending and highlighting the demands of the student movement in Iran.

We strongly believe that the Iranian students abroad, bear the heavy responsibility of utilizing all avenues to mobilize universities abroad and support and compliment the activities of the student movement in Iran. Improved cooperation among Iranian students and universities abroad can greatly enhance the quality and quantity of Iranian student organizations across the globe. This is essential in revitalizing the Iranian student movement outside the country – one that can become a significant cornerstone in the quest for freedom in Iran.

Let us come together in support of the student movement in Iran and transform this year’s Students Day (16 Azar) into a major milestone and turning point in the efforts of Iran’s students in the recent years. To this end, we propose the following focus for a global campaign in support of Students Day in Iran:

1. The unconditional and immediate freedom with dignity of more than seventy imprisoned students.

2. Abolishing disciplinary committees responsible for the temporary and permanent expulsion of students from their right to education.

3. Academic freedom and an end to human and civil rights violations within universities.

4. An end to ideological, governmental intervention in the research and teachings as related to the field of Humanities.

5. Defense of the autonomy of universities.

6. An end to governmental interference in the management of universities.

7. An end to the widespread dismissal and early retirement of independent university professors and their replacement with less qualified henchmen.

8. Nullification of the dissolution of Iran’s University of Medical Sciences.

9. An end to government intervention in the structure and fabric of universities.

10. An end to political, ideological, sexist and religious discrimination in the student admission process.

11. Reflection of the views and philosophy of Iran’s student movement in matters pertinent to the country.

12. Mobilization of Iranian student associations abroad.

13. Supporting international sanctions against state officials who have engaged in the systematic human rights abuses and violations against the Iranian people.

Details regarding the exact time and location for Student Days ceremonies in various cities will be announced at a later date. Individuals and students who wish to support this cause may do so by emailing us at 16azar.ec@gmail.com

Iranian Progressive Youth: Time and location for Students day  in Holland will be announced soon.

You can watch and read more about our Last Year’s  Event for International solidarity with Iranian students’ movement here.
 

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1. Iranian student movement, Progress and Perspective »

Towards forming an independent and decentralized organization of Iranian youth and students abroad

IranPY reports:

Call for dialogue

Towards forming an independent and decentralized organization of Iranian youth and students abroad

From the 1^st till the 3^rd of October different groups of Iranian students gathered at the Freie Universitat Berlin to discuss issues pertaining to Iran’s democratic movement and its suppression by the Islamic Republic. Participants were from various European countries and the conference also welcomed a number of individuals from outside the Continent. The conference style structure consisted of numerous important panels devoted to various pivotal themes and topics. Panel speakers presented thought provoking papers and engaged in insightful and useful question and answer sessions. Panels were all held in Persian except for a special international panel which was in English and involved non-Iranian student organizations.

The Persian speaking panels, discussions and debates dealt with the following themes:

1. 1. The difficulties of the current situation; requirements and prospects for transition.
2. 2. The necessity to form an independent, decentralized organization of Iranian youth and students abroad.
3. 3. Revisiting activism of youth networks abroad, particularly in the past year (achievements, shortcomings and possibilities for a more widespread self-organization of these networks.
4. 4. A glance at the international experiences regarding the organization of youth and students (with emphasis on experiences of the self-organized international groups).
5. 5. Alternative models for independent, decentralized organization of youth and students abroad (with emphasis on organizing from below: how and why).

 The English speaking panel was moderated by Omid Tofighian and included Sölvi Karlsson, spokesperson for the European Students’ Union, Pedram Shahryar, spokesperson for International ATTAC network, Aura Iustina Pana, spokesperson for National Alliance of Student Organizations in Romania (ANOSR) and Pouya Alagheband who shared his experiences of working with Iranian refugees in Turkey in conjunction with various support institutions. The presentations, discussions and debates dealt with the following themes:

1. 1. What value does an international panel discussion have for a conference on human rights and social justice in Iran?
2. 2. The results of contemporary Iranian human rights and social justice activities in contrast to the success of Iranian activities in other fields?
3. 3. The reasons behind the success of non-Iranian activists and how Iranian groups can benefit from them.
4. 4. Creating new approaches to different issues as a result of collaborations.
5. 5. International techniques, methods, structures, strategies.
6. 6. Support for victims of the Iranian regime inside and outside the country.

 The inclusion of an international panel inspired dynamic new angles and possibilities for Iranian activists abroad. It became more obvious that the central issues concerning Iranians were also global concerns. By highlighting particular abuses and problems created by the Iranian government the Iranian youth and student movement can attract international movements and organizations concerned with the same problems on a global scale.

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1. Calling to Commemorate Iranian Students Day »

Freedom is the perspective of our life and its manifestation

By: Shahin Nasiri

Pluralism versus monism
As in the case with so many words, the words ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’ have gained remarkably emotive overtones.
Isaiah Berlin distinguishes, In his famous lecture [1] , two very different concepts of liberty . He defines a contrast between ‘freedom from’ and ‘freedom to’ and marks them subsequently as ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ aspects of freedom.
The first concept ‘negative freedom’ is according to him the “normal” conception, according to which a person is free if his or her actions are not subject to deliberate interference or coercion by other human beings.
The second concept ‘freedom to’ has been defined as self-mastery or self-Government. One is free ,in this sense, if or to the extent that one is his own master.
Conforming to Berlin’s analysis, human beings must choose which good they will seek to realize and to what extent. Although no single choice could be considered as the uniquely correct or objective rational one. Berlin argues along these lines in favor of plurality of values, or goods and legitimate ends and opposes against ‘value-monism’, which implies that only one way exists to be rational, and only one legitimate way of life.
Nevertheless, one encounters a dilemma whether the illiberal and totalitarian values should be excluded from the legitimate plurality of values or not.
Jürgen Habermas is one of the thinkers who has dealt with this issue in relation to his approach on ‘communicational rationality’. According to Habermas, the individual liberties and the political rights of democratic citizens are mutually enabling.[2] When freedom is absent, there is an environment of thoughtlessness and indifference. Through self criticism, one can come to an awareness of his own restrictions and limitations which led him to accept the limitations and the alterity [3]of the environment in the first place. As soon as one meditates about himself and his actions, and is concerned about having a dialogue with his environment, one begins to understand otherness better.
As these last remarks suggest, by constantly asking questions and reflecting upon the answers, one can be liberated from reduced and controlled forms of totalitarian thinking and related values. In this sense, the authoritarian modes of thinking, as Popper would declare, will be isolated.[4]
In order to implement this rationale within the political discourse, I will discuss how the notion of freedom is related to politics as praxis. In addition to this discussion, the conflict between the notion of ‘equality’ and ‘freedom’ and the deficiencies of the mainstream Competitive Party Democratic systems will be designated. With reference to these conflicts an deficiencies, I will introduce a very different concept of democracy which is implicitly based on the continuing participation of citizens in the procedure of decision-making.

Public interest and democracy
Public interest can be described as the shared interest of a community and its promotion so far from oppressing individual interests, which enables individuals to secure advantages which they could not otherwise enjoy. Along these lines, the existence of a government of any kind could be justified. Regarding this rationale, democracy has been introduced as a procedural or institutional alternative in order to advance the public interest.
Since antiquity, different kinds of argument have existed, which justifies the superiority of democracy to other forms of governments such as monarchy or aristocracy. From the epistemological point of view, a democratic procedure is the best method for decision-making due to the fact that it is more reliable in engaging the people into the process of decision-making. Democracy tends to make people stand up for themselves and make collective decision making depend on their opinion. On these grounds, democratic systems derive their authority from the direct appeal to the people, understood as equal citizens.
The traditional formulation of democracy, as stated above, requires that government should reflect the will of the people, so that the output of the democratic procedure simply represents the desires of the electorate. However this does not mean that there is any guarantee that this condition could be met. At least, this is not the image one gets in real life. on the contrary, the existing “Competitive Party Democratic systems” function in a very unsimilar manner.
According to the theorists of this concept, democracy should not be considered as the translation of people’s will into government actions, but by competing parties offering alternative programs to the electorate. This idea has been derived from the structure of market economy and presupposes a professionalized government and experienced bureaucracy, ruled by the minority (elite rule!).[5] This economic theory of democracy is to be interpreted as a method of government stress that its connection with liberty is instrumental rather than conceptual.

The dilemma of democracy
In contrast to the instrumental approach of democracy, the critics argue that as long as economic inequality and its reproduction exists, the foundation of political freedom will be incomplete and shaky. This problem is being revealed by analyzing the two concepts of freedom postulated by Berlin which, in certain circumstances, could be in direct conflict with each other. One could, as follows, identify this as the intrinsic conflict between the notion of ‘equality’ and ‘freedom’.
In reality, there are different factors other than deliberate interference or coercion by others (negative freedom), such as poverty that can prevent one from being one’s own master (positive freedom). To reconcile this conflict, Berlin designates that since all human beings by definition belong to the class of human beings, they should be treated identically, unless there is sufficient reason not to do so. Unequal treatment of humans requires justification. Not all values are compatible with each other.
Equality is a value among many, so it should sometimes be compromised for the sake of any other value. Yet, this claim appears to be quite ambiguous as it remains unclear by which means and to what extent these values should be compromised.
There is in reality a profound tension between democracy based on the postulate of equal power and the structure of market economy which inevitably generates unequal wealth and in turn unequal power. Considering this, democracy may not merely be reduced to the distribution of political power which is confined to election at regular intervals. The exchange process conducted within the capitalist economic system entails indeed a transfer of power. For instance, the power of creativity and free choice of a worker who has to sell his labor power to the “capitalist owners” is remarkably reduced. [6] This reveals that the distribution of economic force, as a major analytical parameter, should also be taken into account.

Procedural democracy
Establishing democracy in the territory of production, distribution and fundamental economic relations, questions the unequal and paradoxical manners of production.
As an alternative to the equality-freedom conflict, the rational-critical public debate, by private persons on public issues, aiming to challenge and even control the domination state authorities could be introduced.[7] To put the point slightly differently, this version of participatory democracy should be considered as a continuing activity which allows the citizens to challenge the considerable economic inequalities, bureaucracies and absence of real opportunities for ordinary citizens to influence policy-making. As a result, democracy is to be considered as a procedure characterized by particular form of society in which extensive popular participation and social and economic equality is realized.

——————————————————–
[1] Berlin, I. (1969) Four essays on Liberty (London: Oxford University Press )
[2] Habermas, J. (1972) The Theory of Communicational Action, (London: Heinemann)
[3] Alterity (otherness) as a concept is first established by Emmanuel Lévinas
[4]Popper, K. (1945) The Open Society and Its Enemies (London)
[5] Schumpeter, J.S. (1954) Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (London: Allen & Unwin)
[6] Macpherson, C.B. (1977) The life and Times of Liberal Democracy (London: Oxford University Press )
[7] Habermas, J. (1972) Knowledge and Human Interests, (London: Heinemann)

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Bij de lanceringceremonie van “EuroNews Perzisch-talige Service” was de Iraanse ambassade in Brussel aanwezig.

door Pejman Akbarzadeh

Op 27 oktober 2010 werd de lanceringceremonie van “EuroNews Perzisch-talige Service” gehouden in het Europees Parlement in Brussel. Bij deze ceremonie waren ook twee medewerkers van de Iraanse ambassade in Brussel aanwezig.

Volgens recente rapporten van internationale organisaties zoals Reporters Without Borders, heeft Iran nu de meeste journalisten in gevangenschap. Veel journalisten die de regering niet zint, worden aangehouden en in gevangenschap gezet in dit land. Er zijn ontelbare websites geblokkeerd en in het bijzonder na de controversiële verkiezing van 2009. Vele Perzische journalisten en activisten vluchten naar het buitenland als gevolg van angst voor gevangenschap en marteling.

Op basis van een rapport van de Perzisch-talige “Radio Zamaneh” in Amsterdam, heeft de heer Philippe Cayla – CEO van EuroNews – verklaart dat EuroNews niet verantwoordelijk is voor de uitnodiging van de leden van de Iraanse ambassade in Brussel. De heer Cayla geeft te kennen dat het erop lijkt, dat het ambassadepersoneel op basis van hun contacten met het Europees Parlement aanwezig kon zijn bij de ceremonie.

Deze kwestie heeft een golf van woede in de Perzische-Nederlandse gemeenschap teweeggebracht en als burgers van dit democratisch Europees land, willen wij graag weten wie verantwoordelijk is voor het uitnodigen van het ambassadepersoneel van de Islamitische Republiek Iran bij de lanceringceremonie van “EuroNews Perzische Service” in het Europees Parlement.

De situatie van de mensenrechten en de vrijheid van meningsuiting in Iran wordt erger en vertegenwoordigers van deze regering moeten niet worden verwelkomd bij dergelijke ceremonies. Menselijke waardigheid, vrijheid en vrijheid van meningsuiting zijn fundamentele waarden in Europa en degenen die dat schenden zijn niet welkom.
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* Voorzitter van het Perzisch-Nederlands Netwerk

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