The recent inspiring uprisings in the Middle East call on us to examine the prospects of popular protest in Iran and the conditions necessary for its emergence and development in the society.

Shahin Nasiri and Pejman Salim
EA WorldView

What is called Resistance:

A Critical Overview of the Limitations and Potentials of Iran’s Green Movement

“Do not forget that we, you and I, have been considerate to human kind!”[i]

Introduction
The struggle for secularism, democracy and the rule of law is not a novel phenomenon in the political history of Iran. The Iranian people have long fought for freedom and equality. While this struggle has at times achieved some high grounds, its mission remains to this day incomplete.[ii] The recent inspiring uprisings in the Middle East have revived the resistance movement in Iran. These uprisings call on us to examine the prospects of popular protest in Iran and the conditions necessary for its emergence and development in the society.

First Impression
The popular protests post the2009 election once again exposed to the outside world the fundamental conflicts that exist between the people of Iran and their government. In response to these protests, the ruling dictatorship intensified its measures of totalitarian control. Following the election, hundreds of civilians were persecuted, tortured, and sentenced to imprisonment and execution in show trials..[iii] At the moment, the possibilities for organization and mobilization remain limited due to the large scale nature of government repression. Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have lost their legal licenses and the Ahmadinejad’s administration is currently trying to paralyze any NGO that remains operative through a new statutory bill.4 Barriers are also being placed against the activities of independent charity organizations.

The ruling regime in Iran demonstrates all the features of a totalitarian state.[iv] Show trials, torture and countless executions shape the face of the regime. From its inception, the Islamic regime established and consolidated its power through bloody purges and fundamentalist policies. Since then violence and control have been incorporated into the legal and political structure of the regime. The enforcement of the state hegemony is accompanied by the military dominance of the Revolutionary Guards and their subsidiaries. Furthermore, the ruling class exercises extensive control over all key industries and determinative economic resources. To this list one should also add the regime’s total control over the mass media and its conversion into a state propaganda machine as well as the government’s repressive control of the private sector. These characteristics together make the Islamic regime one of the most brutal governments ever seen in the modern era. Despite all these, the regime is currently in a state of deep crisis.

Repression and Resistance

With the emergence of internal divisions at the highest levels of the regime, which were rooted in the conflicting political interests of the reformists and the military regime of Ahmadinejad, a schism has occurred in the system in terms of its overall coherence. The regime is no longer able to keep the society coherent and to maintain its legitimacy and stability even in the most superficial way. The system’s loss of legitimacy and stability seems irreversible. Nonetheless, government has a wary eye on any signs of a popular protest movement and subjects the citizenry to systematic violence, coordinated by members of the Basij and the Revolutionary Guards.

In this situation, the opposition faces a fatal choice: it must either surrender or develop innovative strategies of resistance for moving forward. The determining question here is whether confronting the existing suppression can unbalance the power relations to the advantage of the opposition?

In this context it is worth mentioning that the reformists, who hitherto have had a leading position in the Green Movement, have not played a positive role in the advancement and realization of protest strategies. The fact that the reformists have held positions of power and influence within the establishment of the Islamic Republic has led them to adopt contradictory and at times illogical positions against the popular demand for the overhaul of the religious dictatorship..[v] The reformist leaders of the Green Movement, Mousavi and Karoubi, have consistently stated that they intend to conduct their political activities within the boundaries of the Constitution.[vi] There have been also numerous reformist politicians who have been trying hard to arrive at a negotiated agreement with their powerful opponents.[vii] In conclusion, it is clear that the will of the people is not congruent with the interests of those conservative reformists whose   political and economic interests lie in the continuing existence of the establishment. This has caused many citizens, especially those of working classes to conclude that the current conflict is one between two groups, of which one (the reformists) wishes to divide the country’s wealth among the existing political elite whereas the other is determined to monopolize it.[viii]

Independent of these internal power struggles however, we are witnessing that the civil society is increasingly striving for fundamental principles such as respect for human rights, secularism and gender equality.    The movement has in fact gradually radicalized following the mass protests against fraudulent election results.  The slogans now target the system as a whole and the Supreme Leader Khamenei directly. With this characteristic in mind one can begin to re-examine the dynamism of the Green Movement.

Cuts in Subsidies

It goes without saying that a large sector of the population is radically against the establishment and its repressive ideology and discriminatory laws including the Constitution. However, in order to arrive at a careful assessment of the movement’s chances of success, one has to consider a number of important political and economic parameters.

The government of Ahmadinejad is currently in the process of implementing a large-scale policy of abolishing governmental subsidies for basic life necessities such as food and energy. In the past months this destructive project has gone hand in hand with intimidation, threats and systematic executions.[ix] The aggressive implementation of this plan is aimed at thoroughly reconfiguring the economical relationships to the advantage of the ruling political class. “Its canon is its own bloody efficiency”.[x] The consequence of this forceful reconfiguration is the gradual transfer of economical power to autocrats and military institutions like the Revolutionary Guards.

It is notable that the dysfunctional and incompetent leadership of the clergy in the past thirty years has resulted in the political and economic organs of the country being no longer functional and effective.. As a result of this mismanagement, which has also resulted in the elimination of subsidies, the middle class will soon evaporate. However, it will be particularly the impoverished class that will suffer catastrophically under these policies. As a consequence, it is highly likely that economically-driven mass protests will occur. These protests will be, however, dispersed and sporadic in nature due to the structural and organizational weaknesses of civil society organizations. As such, one cannot predict whether these transformations can ultimately lead to fundamental and democratic changes. Accordingly, the future prospect of the movement remains speculative. In shaping this prospect the following factors will be determinative:

First of all, only a tiny sector of the labour force is capable of organizing itself into a mobilizing force for targeted protests such as strikes. This inability is the result of systematic government repression that has always considered the labor movement to be a great threat due to its transformative and progressive qualities. Accordingly, the strikes that have happened up until have always been defensive in nature. [xi]

Secondly, it is remarkable that within the prevalent discourse of the Green Movement, which is being propagated by privileged reformists, the determining role that impoverished classes can play in the resistance movement is being deliberately ignored.[xii] This group of reformists has always strived for the realization of an Iranianized model of neoliberal economy. As such, to step out of this impasse and to pursue the resistance with realistic and feasible strategies, it is of great importance that an alternative discourse based on popular demands and grievances develop.

New Paradigm
The Green Movement can only develop into a historical, authentic and successful movement when it becomes representative of the collective will of society. Despite the fact that there various social groups with diverse interests and needs in the society, there exist some common interests that can bind various groups together in their fight against oppression.

On the one hand one has to bear in mind that it is impossible to achieve meaningful political freedoms as long as the structures that produce and reproduce economic inequality persist.[xiii] On the other hand, one must not lose sight of the fact that achieving fundamental political changes can only be realized by those who play an essential role in the relationships of production. On this basis, the concept of democracy should not be reduced to mere distribution of political power. On the contrary, it should be broadened to also include a fair distribution of economic power.[xiv]

It is undeniable that until now, the Green Movement has not taken advantage of many opportunities, among which are the organization of effective strikes and the deployment of protest potentials in the workplace.

Convergence of Political Forces
Based on the assumption that fundamental and democratic changes occur in the very process of change, one can conclude that the process can itself lead to the actualization of potential forces. The pursuit of political freedom and maintenance of civil rights must therefore initially develop gradually itself. This partially means that the creativity and efforts of the participants in this transitional phase is decisive.

The absence of representative political parties and organization means that the social movements stand alone in the struggle against the dictatorship in Iran. However many different subjective and objective tendencies of economical, political and moral character could form the material basis for the self-organization of grassroots. Moreover, these forces could be organized solidary.

If economic inequality is raised as a galvanizing issue, the potential of the working class for turning into a progressive force of change will be released. This power will then manifest itself in mass protests in large industries such as petroleum, metal, communication and electricity. All in all, by actively emphasizing the gap between the rulers and the people, one can mobilize an increasing number of silent citizens to participate in the democratic movement and popular protests.

Accordingly, middle class activists, especially the intellectuals, students and social activists need to get in touch with each other and their international counterparts in an organic, interactive and communicative manner. In this context it is important to notice that the democratic movement in Iran is itself strongly influenced by Iran’s vibrant women’s rights movement. Women, who have been oppressed because of their sex and political opinion in the religious dictatorship, have had a decisive role in the Green Movement.[xv] In addition to the women’s rights movement, the student movement[xvi], as a heterogeneous collective, can also act as a political catalyst propelling people toward organized political action.[xvii] Remarkably, the student movement in Iran is the only social movement with historical continuity. This characteristic makes the transfer of experience possible and enables the movement to have a consistent presence in the civil society.

Students and other social activists can help the protests remain organized and on the right track through their educational, consciousness raising activities.[xviii] The expansion ofa critical discourse is in this context determinative. It will enable opposition forces to come together and paves the path for the realization of qualitative changes

International Perspective

In a situation that the Iranian State finds itself in a deep legitimacy crisis, both nationally[xix] and internationally, the moral support of the international community has become more important than ever. Instead of trying to remain on good terms with the dictators, Western politicians should take the side of democratic movements clearly and decisively

In this context it is important to emphasize that the foreign policy of each state is an extension of its domestic one.[xx] From the aggressive foreign policy of Nazi Germany to the USA’s isolationism in the beginning of the previous millennium, history has shown us repeatedly that the external ambitions of a state are a direct reflection of its internal politics. [xxi] Therefore, one should analyze the nuclear ambitions of Iran in the context of its domestic politics.[xxii]

Iran threatening gestures from the nuclear crisis and its provocative rhetoric to its destabilizing activities in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and the Palestinian territories[xxiii] are rooted in the ideological and megalomaniac motives of a regime that also brutally oppresses its own nationals. [xxiv] Iranian officials consider the costly nuclear program as the last and most essential means to restore their nationally and internationally staggering position. Due to this fundamentalist mentality, Iran has rarely showed respect and adherence for the principles of international law. The only sustainable solution for the security issues in Iran is thus a democratic alternative, which must emerge from within Iran.

External Factors
The human rights situation in Iran is followed closely by both the United Nations and independent NGOs. Recently, the General Assembly of the UN has expressed its deep concerns about the human rights situation, and political arrests, death penalties, tortures and stoning of women in particular. [xxv] Earlier in 2010, the UN Human Rights Council (Universal Periodic Review, UPR) gave a series of critical recommendations on the human rights situation in Iran. [xxvi] However, Iranian officials have once again shown to be indifferent toward these criticisms and recommendations.

The international community must have human rights issues in mind in all its dealings with Iran. In this context, one must observe that the brutal crackdown following the controversial presidential election of 2009 is one example of abuse that can be considered as a crime against humanity under the principles of international law. [xxvii] In this relation, the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) has released a comprehensive report in which it concludes that the repressive acts of the Iranian State constitute crimes against humanity. [xxviii]

The systematic violations of human rights by the Iranian regime are not unique to the present era; the regime has committed violations of human rights since its very inception and will continue to do so into the future. The recent human rights violations stand beside the gross human rights violations committed in the 1980s which have been recognized as falling in the category of international crimes. In particular, one has to mention the 1988 massacre of political prisoners which arguably constitutes both genocide and crimes against humanity.[xxix] As such, the government of Iran must be subjected to continuous international criticism for its illegal acts. In doing so, the international community can resort to the various juridical and political means available to it such as targeted human rights sanctions and referral by the Security Council to the International Criminal Court.

Appropriate Measures

According to the latest news, the United States of America has imposed sanctions on eight persons who are known to have been involved in committing gross human rights violations. [xxx] Unlike the sanctions imposed previously, these sanctions have not targeted Iran’s controversial nuclear program but its troubling human rights record.  Based on the same facts, the European Union has imposed further sanctions on 32 Iranian officers. [xxxi] Above all, the Human Rights Council of the UN has appointed a Special Reporter for a thorough investigation of the human rights situation in Iran.[xxxii] As usual, Iran has stated that it will not cooperate with the Special Reporter.[xxxiii] However, Iran’s refusal to cooperate in the investigation and fulfill its international obligations could result in its case being referred to the UN General Assembly.

This new round of measures is of course of great significance to Iran’s democratic movement.  Given the fact that Iran has consistently ignored the international calls to honor the human rights of its citizens, it is urgent that the international community intervene in a more persistent and decisive manner.

In addition to governments, Western NGOs and social movements can also offer critical support to Iran’s democratic movement. In the new millennium, NGOs play a prominent role in the defense of human rights.[xxxiv] The perspective of NGOs as public interest groups   is being increasingly taken into account in decision-making processes.[xxxv] In short, they are the conscience of the western world. History also testifies to the positive effect of civil society organizations in delegitimizing repressive regimes such as the South African Apartheid Regime. As such, it is of great importance that Western social movements engage themselves with the democratic movement of Iran. They can help the development of grass roots discourses by identifying and supporting democratic and progressive forces and contribute to the process of democratization in Iran.[xxxvi]

Inspirational Lessons from North Africa

At last, it is important to note that every Iranian person is entitled to the inherent right of self-defense under international law. This right is clearly provided in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international instruments.[xxxvii]

The uprising in Tunisia and Egypt teach us that one need not ask for permission from oppressors when fighting for fundamental transformations. It is rather the spontaneous and mass presence of civilians on the streets that can change the balance of power to the advantage of the population. These experiences also teach us that one should not direct oneself to the oppressors to guarantee fundamental rights. Instead, people should clearly recognize their strengths and potential, and pursue their struggle with self-confidence. [xxxviii] Because where danger is, grows the saving power also![xxxix]

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Patogh provides a forum for youth and members of the Iranian community to engage in energised discussion and debate on current and emerging issues, explore and express their creativity, and benefit from interaction with each other.
All features of this program are made by contributions from volunteers and members of Iranian Progressive Youth.

Second Anniversary of the Green Movement:
With: Saeed Habibi: human rights activist, former chairperson of the Iranian student union
Farshin Kazeminia: researcher, political and economic analyst
Behnaz Mehrani, psychologist, women’s rights activist, member of the one million signatures campaign

پاتوق فرصتی برای گردآمدن و گفتگوی جوانان و جامعه ایرانی حول موضوعات روز است تا هم از مصاحبت و هم اندیشی و هم از هنرها و خلاقیت یکدیگر بهره ببریم. پس از نزدیک به یکسال برگزاری ماهانه پاتوق، بالاخره موفق به ارائه اولین نسخه تصویری این گردهمایی شدیم. امیدواریم شما که در کنار ما حضور نداشتید بتوانید از این گفتگوها بهره ببرید. تهیه این برنامه و تمامی امور مربوط به آن بطور داوطلبانه از طرف دوستان و اعضا شبکه جوانان پیشرو صورت گرفته است

موضوع گفتگوی این بار
دومین سالگرد جنبش سبز
نسبت جنبش سبز با جنبشهای دانشجویی، کارگری و زنان چیست؟

با حضور
سعید حبیبی: فعال حقوق بشر و دبیر پیشین اتحادیه دانشجویی تحکیم وحدت
فرشین کاظمی نیا: پژوهشگر، تحلیلگر سیاسی و اقتصادی
بهناز مهرانی: روانشناس، فعال حقوق زنان، عضو کمپین یک ملیون امضا

Full edited version! نسخه کامل تدوین شده

Shorter parts: Cartoon, Column
بخش های متنوع: کاریکاتور، ستون

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1. Patogh! »

AWARDS CEREMONY

IPY Essay Contest 2011
Prospect of change in Iran

You can read the essays & related info here:

www.essay.iranpy.net

Sponsors: Hivos, Radio Zamaneh , Foundation for Iranian Studies

The first three winning essays will be presented during the ceremony

more info at www.iranpy.net/change

Leiden University
Faculty of Law
Lorentzzaal
Steenschuur 25

Tuesday, 14 june 2011
Doors open: 4 pm
Start: 4.30

Confirm your attendance at the Facebook event here

Iranian Progressive Youth
www.iranpy.net
contact@iranpy.net

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آیا می توان آزادی را به دیگران تحمیل کرد؟

شاهین نصیری

برای پاسخ به هر پرسشی در رابطه با آزادی بسیار وسوسه انگیز است که این پرسش را در جایگاه یک مفهوم و با رویکردی نظری بررسی کنیم. بی درنگ انسان مدرن و عقل گرا گرایش به این دارد تا تعریفی ایستا از آزادی فرموله کند. نتیجه ی چنین دیدگاهی چیزی جز فروکاستن آزادی به اُبژه ای مکانیکی نیست. ابتدا آزادی مرزبندی شده و به شکل اُبژه ای تحقیق پذیر صورت بندی می گردد. در پی این تقلیل، آزادی تنها در رابطه اش با انسان درک می شود

اما باید در نظر داشت که آزادی یک خصیصه انسانی نیست، بلکه این انسان است که به آزادی تعلق دارد. آزادی تنها یک تفکر یا مفهوم نیست. حتی آزادی وسیله ای برای سلطه بر طبیعت و انسان نیز نیست

آزادی چشم انداز و نمایانگر زندگی ماست. به همین دلیل است که با آفرینش پیوند خورده است. آزادی افق و مرزهای ما را هرباره می گسترد. اندیشه، واژگان و کردار ما را آشکار می سازد. آزادی دنیای امکانات است در فرایند شدن

درفقدان آزادی فضای بی تفاوتی حاکم است و راه اندیشه بسته. برای گذار از این سربستگی، انسان نیازمند آن است با کرداری باز با دنیای اطراف خود تعامل داشته باشد. تنها با پرسشگری و پژواک آوای آن در پژوهش، آدمی قادر است که خویشتن را از اشکال تقلیل گرایانه و کنترل کننده ی «آزادی» رها سازد. و فقط از طریق انتقاد از خود، هرکس مرزها و محدودیت های خویش را باز می شناسد

این خود زمینه ایست برای شنیدن آوای دگربودگی. بنابراین لحظه ای درک این مقوله در دنیای واقع هموار می شود که انسان درباره ی کردار خویش باندیشد و با منشی روادارانه با دیگری به گفتگو بنشیند؛ این در جایگاه خود نقطه ی آغازیست برای تجربه ی آزادی در تمامیت آن

آزادی دربرگیرنده آشکاراگی است. بنابراین آزادی فردی انسان را تنها می توان همراه با آزادی دیگری درک کرد. با آفرینش تاویل های جدید می توان با آزادی رودرو شد. با این وجود پرسش بنیادین دست نخورده باقی خواهد ماند، چراکه خود را نمایان نمی سازد: به راستی آزادی چیست؟

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Vrijheid is direct verbonden met scheppen. Zij verlegt herhaaldelijk onze horizon, grenzen en beperkingen.

Opgesteld door: Shahin Nasiri

Voor het beantwoorden van elk vraagstuk met betrekking tot vrijheid, is het verleidelijk om het als een concept te analyseren en een theoretische benadering erover te geven. Wellicht zijn we als rationeel en moderne mensen snel geneigd om een statische definitie van de vrijheid te formuleren. Als gevolg hiervan wordt de vrijheid echter gereduceerd tot een mechanisch object. Zij wordt afgebakend en begrensd en wordt als een object van onderzoek geïdentificeerd. Door en dusdanige reductie wordt vrijheid alleen in relatie tot de mens opgevat.

Het is echter van belang om in te zien dat vrijheid niet een eigenschap of een eigendom van de mens is. Integendeel worden wij door de vrijheid begeleid. Zij is niet alleen een gedachte of een begrip; noch is vrijheid een middel om de mens en de natuur te overmeesteren.

Vrijheid is het perspectief van ons leven en de manifestatie ervan.

Vrijheid is direct verbonden met scheppen. Zij verlegt herhaaldelijk onze horizon, grenzen en beperkingen. Dit bewerkstelligt de openheid van onze gedachten, woorden en daden. Zij is de wereld van onze mogelijkheden in een wordingsproces.

Op het moment dat vrijheid afwezig is, heerst er een sfeer van gedachteloosheid en onverschilligheid. Om dit te kunnen overbruggen, moet een ieder zich ten opzichte van zijn omgeving open stellen. Door telkens vragen te stellen en te overwegen (over-wegen!) kan men alleen zich los maken van gereduceerd- en gecontroleerde vormen van vrijheid. Door zelfkritiek kan men alleen zijn eigen beperkingen en begrenzingen doorgronden en vervolgens de beperkingen en het anders-zijn van de omgeving aanvaarden. Zodra men over zichzelf en zijn handelingen nadenkt, en een dialoog met zijn omgeving aangaat, begint men het anders-zijn beter te verstaan. Dit is het lanceerplatform voor het ervaren van vrijheid in zijn totaliteit.

Vrijheid is alomvattend. De individuele vrijheid kan daarom alleen in combinatie met de vrijheid van de ander begrepen worden. Door nieuwe interpretaties te creëren, kan men vrijheid tegemoet komen. Echter zal de fundamentele vraag nog altijd onaangetast blijven. Zij laat zich niet populariseren:
Wat is vrijheid?

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We call for the immediate release of Hedayat who objected human right violations of the Iranian regime

Published: 5 April 2011 in ESU

The European Students’ Union (ESU) expresses its solidarity with the imprisoned Iranian students’ union leader Bahareh Hedayat, who celebrates her 30th birthday today, 5 April, in jail and calls upon the European Commission and UNESCO to increase pressure on Iran to release Hedayat. Hedayat has spent her days in prison since December 2009 after protesting against the regime in Iran and trying to expand the activities of the violently oppressed Iranian student movement.

Bert Vandenkendelaere, ESU’s Chairperson said: “We call for the immediate release of Hedayat who objected human right violations of the Iranian regime. She stood up for students’ rights and female rights without fearing the hard consequence of a 9 1/2 years jail sentence in complete isolation from her friends and family and in very bad living and healthcare conditions.”

He continued: “Student representatives in Europe have very good working conditions, compared to their Iranian colleagues. We therefore call upon all of our dialogue partners, and especially UNESCO and the European Commission, to demand the release and protection of student representatives in Iran.”

9 1/2 years in jail

Around midnight on 31 December 2009, after fraudulent elections in Iran, Hedayat was arrested by Iranian authorities for the fifth time in four years. She received a sentence of 9 1/2 years for participating in legal, peaceful and civil society activities undertaken by the Daftar-e Takhim-Vahdat, Iran’s pro-democracy student movement, and for challenging the existing discriminatory laws against women.

In addition, Hedayat was arrested on charges related to trying to expand the relations of the Iranian students’ movement with the international student movement, which included communication with ESU amongst others with a message to ESU for the 70th anniversary of the International Student Day, on 17th of November 2009.

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PERSBERICHT

Download PDF: IPY persbericht 30 jan 2011

Rosenthal neemt symboolmaatregel op de barbaarse executie van de Nederlandse burger Zahra Bahrami

Op dinsdag 1 februari 2011 om 11:30 uur organiseert de Iranian Progressive Youth een manifestatie op het Plein in Den Haag, als protest tegen de ondermaatse reactie van de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken op de executie van Zahra Bahrami. De woordvoerders  van de Tweede Kamer fracties zullen tijdens deze manifestatie een toespraak houden.

Minister Rosenthal is ontzet door de executie van de Nederlands-Iraanse Zahra Bahrami en heeft de ambtelijke contacten met Iran bevroren. Het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken heeft nog nooit zo resoluut op Iraanse mensenrechten schendingen gereageerd. Desondanks, vindt de Iranian Progressive Youth, het signaal uitermate zwak.

Het gegeven signaal is vooral onvoldoende aan een staat die heeft gelogen over de rechtsgang van een ter dood veroordeelde in de periode waarin het aantal doodstraffen en onaangekondigde executies sterk is toegenomen. Tevens laat Rosenthal met zijn ondermaatse reactie de mensen in Iran volledig in de kou laat staan.

Het bevriezen van ambtelijke betrekkingen zoals aangekondigd door de minister komt snel neer op een symbolisch besluit tegen een daad, die de wensen en waardigheid van de Nederlandse staat heeft ondermijnd en de Nederlands-Iraanse burgers heeft geïntimideerd.

Op vrijdag, één dag voor de executie, beweerden Iraanse autoriteiten dat de zaak van Zahra Bahrami nog niet was afgehandeld. Een dag na de executie stelde de Iraanse ambassade dat de executie van een Iraanse onderdaan de Nederlandse autoriteiten niets aangaat. De onverwachte executie, valse inlichtingen, het naderhand ontkennen van de Nederlandse betrokkenheid en het negeren van zorg over de Nederlandse staatsburger eisen een sterk optreden van Nederlandse regering.

De IPY roept Kamerleden op Kamervragen te stellen en opheldering te vragen over de gang van zaken rondom de veroordeling en de rol die Nederlandse heeft gespeeld in de executie van Zahra Bahrami. Daarnaast eisen wij minister Rosenthal om alsnog alle beschikbare diplomatieke middelen tegen Iran in te zetten waaronder het verbreken van alle diplomatieke banden, het uitwijzen van de Iraanse ambassadeur in Den Haag en het terugroepen van de Nederlandse ambassadeur in Teheran.

’s-Gravenhage
30 januari 2011

Contact:
www.iranpy.net
contact@iranpy.net
0643800738

Ierdere Persbericht: PERSBERICHT Zahra Bahrami

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Iraninan Progressive Youth is een vereniging van jonge politiek betrokken Iraniërs in Nederland, die krachtens haar statuut de belangen van de Iraanse gemeenschap in Nederland tracht te behartigen.

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IPY roept de Nederlandse Staat op betrekkingen met Iran onverwijld terug te brengen tot consulair niveau.

Download PDF  PERSBERICHT Zahra Bahrami

PERSBERICHT
29 januaru 2011 – Den Haag

Nederlandse Iraniërs eisen opheldering
IPY roept de Nederlandse Staat op betrekkingen met Iran onverwijld terug te brengen tot consulair niveau.

Tot ons grote verdriet en verbijstering hebben wij vernomen dat Zahra Bahrami vanochtend door de Iraanse autoriteiten is geëxecuteerd. Bahrami werd in december 2009 in Teheran aangehouden en aanklaagd wegens “veiligheidsmisdaad” en Godslastering, twee dagen na een grote demonstratie van de Iraanse oppositie in Teheran in 2009 waar zij aan deel had genomen. Zahra Bahrami kreeg de doodstraf vanwege “drugssmokkel”.

De doodstraf van Nahrami voor de Nederlandse Iraniër geeft Nederlanders van Iraanse komaf een rede hun politieke protest en steun aan bezwaarde Iraanse burgers, in Iran en in Nederland te verhullen uit angst voor eigen veiligheid. De doodstraf brengt dus de vrijheid van meningsuiting niet alleen in Iran maar ook in Nederland in gevaar. De IPY is daarom zeer bezorgd over de veiligheid van alle Nederlandse Iraniërs die in het openbaar hebben geprotesteerd en die nog van plan zijn naar Iran te reizen.

IPY maakt zich zorgen over de gevolgen van de doodstraf van Zahra Bahrami voor de civiele en politieke activiteiten van de Perzische gemeenschap in Nederland en elders. Met deze daad zet Iran een kras op de Nederlandse soevereiniteit. Het mag duidelijk zijn, dat burgers met Nederlandse nationaliteit ook de Iraanse nationaliteit hebben kan niet rede zijn voor de Nederlandse staat zich minder in te zetten voor de groep, al beroept de Iraanse staat zich op de onopzegbare Iraanse nationaliteit van de personen en negeert de andere.

IPY is ervan overtuigd dat de Iraanse autoriteiten ook de bedoeling heeft gehad de Iraanse diaspora hiermee het zwijgen op te leggen. De typische wijziging van de aanklacht getuigt ook niet alleen van een oneerlijk proces, maar ook van instrumenteel gebruik van het leven en dood van een persoon. De Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken dient deze gebeurtenis dan ook niet louter als een strafrechtelijke zaak te zien. IPY pleit er dringend voor diplomatieke gevolgen te geven aan de recent plaatsgevonden frequente Iraanse executies door de Iraanse ambassadeur te ontbieden, de Nederlandse vertegenwoordiging in Teheran te herroepen en de betrekkingen met Iran tot consulair niveau terug te brengen. Dit zou in lijn zijn met de geest van het beleid van de voormalige Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken.

Het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken had twee advocaten ingezet voor Zahra Bahrami. IPY verzoekt de Tweede Kamer  een spoeddebat aan te vragen rondom de Nederlandse diplomatieke en rechtelijke pogingen Zahra Bahrami te bevrijden van een oneerlijk proces en de Nederlandse soevereiniteit te verdedigen. De Tweede Kamer zou kunnen onderzoeken en kunnen oordelen over de efficiëntie, inzet en handelswijze van het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken inzake de gevangenschap en executie van mevrouw Bahrami.

Iranian Progressive Youth
Contact: 0643800738

—
Iraninan Progressive Youth is een vereniging van jonge politiek betrokken Iraniërs in Nederland, die krachtens haar statuut de belangen van de Iraanse gemeenschap in Nederland tracht te behartigen.

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“Prospect of Change in Iran”. Share your ideas and prospects concerning the possibilities of change in Iran. The top three essays will be published in accredited journal(s) and will also receive a cash prize

You can read the essays & related info here:

www.essay.iranpy.net

Prospect of Change in Iran

http://iranpy.net/change/

Share your ideas and prospects concerning the possibilities of change in Iran. The top three essays will be published in accredited journal(s) and will also receive a cash prize

Since the Presidential Election in Iran in June 2009, there has been an ongoing debate among and between different national and international political and social groups about the possibilities of change in Iran. Nevertheless, the issue has not been dealt with from an academic perspective sufficiently and adequately.

The Iranian Progressive Youth (IPY) is an independent association which aims at establishing a platform for political, cultural and social activities with special focus on the Iranian struggle for freedom and democracy. As part of its ongoing efforts, IPY has organized an International Essay Contest among students and researchers from different disciplines and has called for answers to the following question:

What are the ways to bring about a democratic change in Iran?

The IPY “International Essay Contest” encourages the interested parties to investigate and explore their ideas – from the idealistic to the realistic – in response to this question from either one, or a combination of, the following perspectives:

1. The role and prospect of the Civil Society;
2. The influence of the Political Structure;
3. The position and responsibility of International Community.

The top three essays will be published in internationally accredited journal(s) and

• the first-prize essay will receive  €500 and the IPY Essay Award + Zamaneh Essay Award;
• the second-prize essay will receive  €250;
• the third-prize essay will receive  €150.

Moreover, all the submitted essays will be published on the essay contest’s website.

Participation in this essay contest is open to any (former) student and researcher of any institution of higher education in any field and discipline.

The theme of the essays should be directly linked to Iran and the 2009 Presidential election and its aftermath and will be judged on two criteria:

1. Scientific quality, especially in deepening the understanding of the subject and its social relevance.
2. Innovative elements, creativity and originality in subject matter and its effects, and/or delving into a subject that has been presented but not explored in sufficient depth.

Submitted essays must:

1. be in English or Dutch;
2. be between 1500 – 2500 words. Essays longer than 3000 will not accepted;
3. be in Word Document format (.doc and not .docx) (font ‘Times New Roman’, size 12, double spacing);
4. be delivered digitally to essay@iranpy.net / CD-ROM, Floppy Disks, videos and tapes are not accepted.
5. be received by 10th April 2011 9:00 PM GMT

The participants are requested to download and fill out the ‘Participation Form’ from the essay contest website. (link)

IPY will appoint a jury which will consist of 3 university teachers/professors from Dutch Universities in different fields and 3 Parliamentarians from the Dutch Parliament and the European Parliament. The IPY Board holds one vote in this jury.
The members of the jury will be announced in due time.

Participants in the contest will receive a confirmation of their submission. The authors of the selected essays will be informed by 25th April 2011; the essays which have not been selected will receive a notification around the same time.

Only papers that meet all the conditions mentioned in this document will be assessed.
The decision of the jury is not subject to appeal.

For more information about the contest refer to Essay Contest Weblog , or contact us at essay@iranpy.net

Confirm your attendance at the Facebook event here

Sponsors: Hivos, Radio Zamaneh , Foundation for Iranian Studies

Iranian Progressive Youth

www.iranpy.net

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Deze brief is naar aanleiding van de door de Iraanse Staat uitgevoerde executies samengesteld en tijdens een manifestatie aan het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken overhandigd

Aan de Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken

Postbus 20061
2500 EB Den Haag

28 december 2010,  ’s-Gravenhage

Excellentie,

Tot onze verbijstering en enorme verdriet heeft de Iraanse staat hedenochtend twee politieke gevangenen namelijk de heer Ali Saremi en de heer Ali Akbar Siadat geëxecuteerd. De Iraanse Staat heeft deze executies niet tevoren aangekondigd. Inmiddels zijn enkele nabestaanden van de slachtoffers gearresteerd.

De heer Saremi (62 ten tijde van executie) was een van overlevenden van de massamoord van de politieke gevangenen in 1988. Hij werd voor het laatst tijdens de herdenking van de slachtoffers van de voornoemde massamoord gearresteerd en uiteindelijk op grond van de Islamitische wetgeving ter dood veroordeeld.

Het staat buiten kijf, dat beide slachtoffers geen eerlijk proces is gegund. De slachtoffers zijn in de processen achter gesloten deuren veroordeeld zonder zich conform internationale standaarden te mogen verdedigen. Het inherente recht van een ieder om van zijn of haar familie voor de tenuitvoerlegging van een doodvonnis afscheid te nemen, is evenmin gerespecteerd.  Hierdoor heeft Iran nogmaals haar verplichtingen op basis van de internationale verdragen, waar zij partij van is, nagelaten.

Deze onverwachte executie vormen eveneens de aanleiding om zorgen te maken over de situatie van 25 ter dood veroordeelde  politieke gevangen in Iran, die de tenuitvoerlegging van hun doodvonnissen afwachten. Deze gewetensgevangenen lopen ieder moment het risico om onverwacht naar de executiekamer te worden gebracht.

Tevens willen wij van deze gelegenheid gebruik maken om uw aandacht te vestigen op de zorgwekkende situatie van de studenten in de Iraanse gevangenissen. Sinds afgelopen week is de prominente studentenactiviste Bahareh Hedayat, genomineerd voor de prestigieuze Student Peace Prize, in hongerstaking gegaan uit protest tegen de onmenselijke omstandigheden van de beruchte Evin-gevangenis. Al maanden wordt haar bezoekrecht ontzegd.
Recente berichten melden tevens dat ze een operatie aan haar galblaas behoeft. Deze wordt echter door de autoriteiten genegeerd.  Door deze nalatigheid is haar gezondheid ernstig in gevaar gebracht.

Om gelijksoortige redenen heeft een ander gevangen studentenactivist, Mahdieh Golrou, zich aangesloten bij deze hongerstaking.  Bahareh en vele andere Iraanse studenten werden tijdens de massale protesten van 2009 gearresteerd. Sindsdien hebben vele van deze studenten onder arbitraire arrestaties, martelingen en executies moeten lijden.

Een rechtenstudent, Habibollah Latifi, zou afgelopen zondag in Sanandaj gevangenis, Zuid-westelijke provincie Illam, worden geëxecuteerd. Deze executie is vanwege de wereldwijde protesten tijdelijk uitgesteld. Echter kan hij ieder moment, zoals andere lotgenoten, met de dood worden geconfronteerd.

Als burgers, van een vrij en democratisch land, geloven wij dat we de verantwoordelijk hebben om de stem van de Iraanse burgers Internationaal kenbaar te maken. Daarom verzoekt Iranian Progressive Youth, een netwerk van jongeren van Iraanse komaf, die krachtens haar statuut de belangen van Iraniërs in Nederland behartigt, u Excellentie gezien de urgentie en intensiteit van deze crisis om op een passende wijze op deze systematische mensenrechtenschendingen en onrechtvaardigheden te reageren.

Hoogachtend,

Vereniging Iranian Progressive Youth

P.s, Deze brief is naar aanleiding van de door de Iraanse Staat uitgevoerde executies samengesteld en tijdens een manifestatie aan het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken overhandigd.

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